From cricket to politics, there seems to be no fairytale fable of Pakistan than 'Unpredictable'. The country's unusual activity is abnormal, and we are surprised by the sudden, sometimes uncertainty, by conquering the world very much. However, the Supreme Court of Pakistan on July 28, the verdict of Nawaz Sharif's inability to continue as prime minister on corruption charges and subsequent resignation of Nawaz, opened the two-way road to crisis and possibilities in Pakistan's democratic politics.
Since the partition of India in 1947, the army's direct intervention in the politics of Pakistan or indirect terror is not a new phenomenon. The army has always supported several political parties, including many leading leaders, for the sake of political gain, and has always deepened the political polarization of Pakistan. By using the provincial inequality, the army has always done everything to uphold the Punjab-centric political system. Nawaz Sharif himself, the crop of this process. In the 1980's, Gen. Zia's military government continued to cooperate with Nawaz Sharif in various ways to politically corner Benazir Bhutto. As a result, Sharif became the Prime Minister of Pakistan in 1990 from the Chief Minister of Punjab. Under his rule, Nawaz Sharif and his entire family extended the business of the country and abroad by utilizing the political power to increase the resources of the hills. Even after allegations of corruption against him, Nawaz was dismissed from the post of Prime Minister in 1993.
Removal or resignation from the post of Prime Minister is nothing new in Pakistan politics. None of the 18 Prime Ministers, including Nawaz, could fulfill the validity of 70-year political history. Only Nawaz was the victim of this experience for the third time. However, Nawaz apparently lost his Prime Minister due to corruption and corruption, but some of the strategic things worked behind him. Nawaz Sharif with the Nawaz Sharif always looked bent with India. Again, the Pakistani's undemocratic forces in Pakistan have taken the Nawaz's reluctance to use ISI as a strategic strategy for militancy. So many people think of Nawaz's weak policies. As a result, Judicial Cure remains a tragic odor. Yet, this change somewhat positively in Pakistan's context. Now the question is, will the Nawaz Sharif's declaration of the prime minister be declared illegal by the court, and subsequently the resignation of Nawaz will add new dimension to Pakistan's democratic politics? Will the Pakistan's long-standing democratic structure weaken the weakness? Will the sovereignty of the growing judiciary versus the strength of the military forces force the new political polarization? Nawaz, behind all the calculations, will return to politics again?
The independence of Pakistan judiciary in the establishment of the rule of law does not carry any message for third world countries, especially Bangladesh?
Nawaz's prime minister went into corruption after being caught in corruption but the history of Pakistan is another matter. The military has been controlling Pakistan's politics for a long time by utilizing the opportunity of non-cooperative democratic institutions and the use of democratic political power. However, after the 18th amendment to the Constitution in 2010, the situation became slightly different.
With this amendment, it has become widespread that the wide way of grabbing the power of the military has been identified as illegal possession of power as the highest state crime.
So there is no chance that the solution to the crisis caused by the resignation of Nawaz is undemocratic.
Another political party, Imran Khan's Tehreek-e-Insaf (PTI) unveiled a new horizon of democratic culture, by peaceful movements to bring the corruption of the Nawaz family to public and keep the process transparent. The brave step of the judiciary to establish a peaceful movement in Pakistan, the political struggle of Pakistan, and the rule of law in the democratic way, is expected to play an important role in Pakistan's democratic development.
But to overcome the political weakness of Pakistan, regional law and discrimination should be overcome, including the implementation of the legislation. It is, however, largely dependent on the right practices of democracy in political forces.
It is difficult to assume that this resignation of Nawaz will write the victory of institutional democracy in Pakistan's fortunes. Because, it is almost certain that the brave step of the judicial department that will undermine the rule of law will undo the thought of undemocratic forces.
There is no reason to disagree with the judicial system of Pakistan that is getting stronger day by day. Because, against the undemocratic decision of the military ruler, or against the decision of the elected government, standing against repression was also on the path of democracy, the judges and lawyers of Pakistan were on the way. The freedom of the judiciary is keeping Pakistan in the way of democracy today, it is probably the result of their sacrifice. So there is no scope to avoid the military and judiciary in a psychological conflict.
Pakistan will have to take another account with the judiciary versus the reckoning of the military, That is the opportunity for Nawaz's political return. Because, in the 2013 election, Nawaz filed an incomplete list of assets with the nomination papers. As a result, Nawaz Sharif has not stopped the road even for legal battle. The way to go for Nawaz Sharif is to open the road
Since the partition of India in 1947, the army's direct intervention in the politics of Pakistan or indirect terror is not a new phenomenon. The army has always supported several political parties, including many leading leaders, for the sake of political gain, and has always deepened the political polarization of Pakistan. By using the provincial inequality, the army has always done everything to uphold the Punjab-centric political system. Nawaz Sharif himself, the crop of this process. In the 1980's, Gen. Zia's military government continued to cooperate with Nawaz Sharif in various ways to politically corner Benazir Bhutto. As a result, Sharif became the Prime Minister of Pakistan in 1990 from the Chief Minister of Punjab. Under his rule, Nawaz Sharif and his entire family extended the business of the country and abroad by utilizing the political power to increase the resources of the hills. Even after allegations of corruption against him, Nawaz was dismissed from the post of Prime Minister in 1993.
Removal or resignation from the post of Prime Minister is nothing new in Pakistan politics. None of the 18 Prime Ministers, including Nawaz, could fulfill the validity of 70-year political history. Only Nawaz was the victim of this experience for the third time. However, Nawaz apparently lost his Prime Minister due to corruption and corruption, but some of the strategic things worked behind him. Nawaz Sharif with the Nawaz Sharif always looked bent with India. Again, the Pakistani's undemocratic forces in Pakistan have taken the Nawaz's reluctance to use ISI as a strategic strategy for militancy. So many people think of Nawaz's weak policies. As a result, Judicial Cure remains a tragic odor. Yet, this change somewhat positively in Pakistan's context. Now the question is, will the Nawaz Sharif's declaration of the prime minister be declared illegal by the court, and subsequently the resignation of Nawaz will add new dimension to Pakistan's democratic politics? Will the Pakistan's long-standing democratic structure weaken the weakness? Will the sovereignty of the growing judiciary versus the strength of the military forces force the new political polarization? Nawaz, behind all the calculations, will return to politics again?
The independence of Pakistan judiciary in the establishment of the rule of law does not carry any message for third world countries, especially Bangladesh?
Nawaz's prime minister went into corruption after being caught in corruption but the history of Pakistan is another matter. The military has been controlling Pakistan's politics for a long time by utilizing the opportunity of non-cooperative democratic institutions and the use of democratic political power. However, after the 18th amendment to the Constitution in 2010, the situation became slightly different.
With this amendment, it has become widespread that the wide way of grabbing the power of the military has been identified as illegal possession of power as the highest state crime.
So there is no chance that the solution to the crisis caused by the resignation of Nawaz is undemocratic.
Another political party, Imran Khan's Tehreek-e-Insaf (PTI) unveiled a new horizon of democratic culture, by peaceful movements to bring the corruption of the Nawaz family to public and keep the process transparent. The brave step of the judiciary to establish a peaceful movement in Pakistan, the political struggle of Pakistan, and the rule of law in the democratic way, is expected to play an important role in Pakistan's democratic development.
But to overcome the political weakness of Pakistan, regional law and discrimination should be overcome, including the implementation of the legislation. It is, however, largely dependent on the right practices of democracy in political forces.
It is difficult to assume that this resignation of Nawaz will write the victory of institutional democracy in Pakistan's fortunes. Because, it is almost certain that the brave step of the judicial department that will undermine the rule of law will undo the thought of undemocratic forces.
There is no reason to disagree with the judicial system of Pakistan that is getting stronger day by day. Because, against the undemocratic decision of the military ruler, or against the decision of the elected government, standing against repression was also on the path of democracy, the judges and lawyers of Pakistan were on the way. The freedom of the judiciary is keeping Pakistan in the way of democracy today, it is probably the result of their sacrifice. So there is no scope to avoid the military and judiciary in a psychological conflict.
Pakistan will have to take another account with the judiciary versus the reckoning of the military, That is the opportunity for Nawaz's political return. Because, in the 2013 election, Nawaz filed an incomplete list of assets with the nomination papers. As a result, Nawaz Sharif has not stopped the road even for legal battle. The way to go for Nawaz Sharif is to open the road
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